The Abstracts of Vol.4,2019
Releasing Time：07.16.2019Source：亚非发展研究所英文
Wars on Trade, Science and Technology between China and U.S. and “Paradigm Changes” of Sino-U.S. Relations
Zhu Feng
Just two and a half years after Donald trump took office, Sino-U.S. relations have undergone historic changes. The basic elements of the traditional “engagement policy” of U.S. to China have been abandoned. It is unpredictable whether Sino-U.S. relations will turn to confrontation or remain stable and coordinated. The wars on trade, science and technology initiated by Trump's administration with China have soured the bilateral relations. The deeper reason for the “paradigm changes” of Sino-U.S. lies in the major changes and adjustments in America's China policy, China's mentality and the cognition and definition of the socalled “threat of China”. To continue to advance the trade negotiationsand resolve U.S. crackdown on Chinese hightech companies is the basic way to stabilize Sino-U.S. relations. China still needs to “put itself first” when dealing with relationswith U.S..
Motivations, Obstacles and Outlet of the USDPRK Summit
Wang Junsheng
This paper argues that from the continuing tense situation to two bilateral summits,supreme leaders of the US and North Korea have shown their sincerity, which was important for the mitigation of the situation on the Korean Peninsula. The US president Donald Trump hoped to achieve the denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula as the top priority and enhance domestic supporting rate through this move. On the other side, the supreme leader of North Korea Kim Jong-un intended to improve the relation with the US and lift sanctions imposed by the United Nations. The failure of the second summit held in Hanoi of Vietnam was due to the over-expectation for each other and the lack of flexibility of the top-down problem solving mode. Although two summits have been held, there had been no substantial progress in solving the fundamental issues. The conflict of the US and North Korea lies in the sequence of the realization of denuclearization and security, the definition of denuclearization, the increment and stock, the road map and the sequence of implementation. In the end, this paper points out that the outlet of these problems lies in the parallel progress of bilateral negotiation and international cooperation, which can be achieved by the ‘dual-track system’ put forward by China.
The International Pattern Has not Substantially Changed
Li Changjiu
The transition of international pattern is driven by the rise and fall of comprehensive national strength. According to the comparison of comprehensive national strength, the international pattern has not substantially changed. There are uncertainties of military strength, scientific and technological strength, innovation capacity, and the development of major powers’ relations, thus it is unpredictable how the international pattern will change in the first fifty years in the 21st century. Nor is it predicted whether China's overall national strength will surpass that of the United States. It is necessary for the two countries to avoid conflict or confrontation and maintain mutually beneficial cooperation. It is important for China to make good use of the strategic opportunity period to manage its own affairs, and to properly handle the relations among economic development, scientific and technological innovation and wealth distribution.
Great Game between China and the United States in the South China Sea: interests, conflicts, causes and Countermeasures
Wu Shicun and Chen Xiangmiao
Since 2010, the US South China Sea policy has gradually transformed from “behind the scenes” to “right on the stage” with the obvious tendency of “taking sides”. Besides, the power struggle between China and US is increasingly intense. The conflict of interests is certainly the ultimate resource of escalated maritime contest, while the strength comparison, the rampant nationalism in the United States, the impetus of claimants of the South China Sea and the overreaction of US to China's actions made the maritime struggle more prominent and deteriorated after 2010. The strategic overlapping of interests and structural contradictions are difficult to resolve in the short term and the “cold confrontation” will become more intensified, even there is no intention of direct confrontation and friction from both sides. Policy makers of China and US should strengthen interests integration in the South China Sea and willingly seek possible cooperation approaches for maritime security governance, so as to effectively ease this incrementally fierce process.
Joint Development Practice in the South China Sea: Breaking through the Predicament
—a Review on the“Cooperative Research Report on Joint Development in the South China Sea”
Hong Nong
Modern state practice has developed a number of possible alternatives in the settlement of boundary disputes that involve the exploitation of natural resources which emphasizes the management aspects of such an agreement and which eschews the stricter, more rule-based approach towards boundary-delimitation. China's proposal of “shelve disputes and go for joint development” has won positive response from other relevant states. However, due to diversified obstacles such as geopolitical competition, legal hurdles and trust deficit among the claimants, joint development has not been well implemented in the South China Sea so far. The “cooperative research report on joint development in the South China Sea” issued recently by Fudan University explores and compares the policy and state practice of joint development of each respective state. Despite the existing political and legal hurdles, the authors of the report acknowledge that the concept of joint development remains an attractive and durable template to peace in the South China Sea.
Practices and Implications of Establishing Marine
Protected Areas in Vietnam
Jiang Xiaoyi and Xuan Jiahui
Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) are recognized as an important and effective tool of marine bio-resource conservation and utilization, and have been adopted by many countries. In the recent decade, Vietnam began to establish and promote its MPAs. compared with other ASEAN states, Vietnam initiated the MPAs relatively late and thus has less MPAs, but the average area of its MPAs is relatively larger. What's more, the way in which Vietnam sorts out its MPAs is special. Moreover, there are various problems in legislation and management of the MPAs in Vietnam, which have negative effects on the MPAs’ effectiveness. It should be noted that some of Vietnam's newly established MPAs are in disputing areas of the South China Sea. In this regard, China should improve the management effectiveness of its MPAs, be cautious about the potentially intensified China-Vietnam SCS dispute caused by the MPAs practices of Vietnam, and promote the China-Vietnam blue cooperation through enhancing the development of MPAs.
Media Reports on Territorial Disputes and China's International Communication Strategy: a case study of Indian, Vietnamese, Philippine and Japanese media
Tan Linmao
Territorial dispute issue is an important part of international public opinion combat around China. The complicated territorial disputes with several neighbors highly concern the international image of China, and have significant impacts on China's perimeter security. The territorial disputes between China and India, Vietnam, the Philippines and Japan have attracted much attention from international public opinion. The media reports of these four countries, which have their own characteristics, strengths and weaknesses, are typical cases for analysis. Chinese media should strengthen its global communication competence and make great efforts to construct world-leading media on the one hand, and on the other hand, study each overseas counterpart and then draw up differentiation strategies.
National Identity Transition: China's Aid Policy to Africa and the Formation of China-Africa Community of Common Destiny
Ma Bo and Zhu Danwei
After more than half a century of development, China's aid to Africa has achieved a quantum leap. What behind those changes in China's Africa strategies and aid policies at different times is the transformation of China's national identity. Before Reform and Opening up, the “revolutionary” national identity shaped China's “internationalism” policy of aid to Africa; after Reform and Opening up, “responsible power” as national identity made the concept of “mutual benefit” and even “community” become China's guiding principle for aiding Africa and deepening cooperation with Africa. Exploring the transition of the meaning of national identity can reveal that the transformation of national identity is a deep-seated reason for the changes of China's aid policy in Africa.
The Influence of the U.S. Mainstream Culture on the Trump Administration's Policies and Strategies towards China
Han Zhihua
The U.S. mainstream culture, a branch of Western culture, features by “competition/combat/war” as the core and egocentric cognitive pattern considering other people as the hell. Structurally, it is culture of “uniformity”, “exclusiveness” and “competitiveness”. Inherently, the Trump administration's policies and strategies towards China was a miniature of it. Firstly, Trump emphasizes principle tagged “America First”. Besides, Trump upholds “Americanism” instead of “globalism”, and the Sino-US relations tend to be less cooperation-oriented and more conflict-oriented. Apart from that, Trump seeks to contain China's rise through the escalating trade disputes between China and the U.S., making use of Taiwan issue and building a deterrence-oriented framework. Presently, it is imperative to study the connection between Trump administration's policies towards China and the U.S. mainstream culture, for realizing the nature and intrinsic impetus of Trump's China Policies and promoting the bilateral relationship to a healthy, optimistic and sustainable future.