The Abstracts of Vol.6,2016
Releasing Time：11.16.2016Source：
Regulations about International Order in the
East China Sea and the South China Sea
Zhao Hongwei
Rules of big powers not only lead the establishment of international laws, but also lead the implementation of international regulations. There is interaction between the two. The paper studies the international order of the East China Sea and the South China Sea from the two perspectives of “rules of big powers” and “international regulations”, which testifies that in the East China Sea and the South China Sea, and in China’s neighboring areas, the “justice” in rules of big powers and the “justice” in international regulations belong to China. However, using U.S..Japan alliance, Japan is trying to dominate and force China to “keep the rules, especially the international law”. This is not only a black humor, but also very dangerous. The United States must observe the rules and return to the Acheson line of defense. U.S..Japan alliance cannot be anti.China Alliance. That is the rules of big powers in East Asia. China itself should not forget the struggles it carried on for the rules in the past 70 years, and remind the United States to keep its promise from time to time. But the present international order is causing disorder everywhere because of its own defects. Xi Jinping pointed out: China’s international responsibility is “to improve the international order, improve the global governance system, and construct new international relations”.
The Possible Influences of the Ethnic and Religious
Contradictions in Afghanistan and Pakistan on
the Building of the “Belt and Road”
Initiative and the Solutions
Yang MianShan Dan
The two South Asia “-stan” countries (two countries with the suffix -stan) refer to Afghanistan and Pakistan which are the two amicable neighboring countries of China. The two countries are both significant investees of the “Belt and Road” Initiative proposed by China. Afghanistan and Pakistan, connected with each other in location, firmly tied up in safety, have close humanities and similar national conditions. The three vicious powers, referring to ethnic separatism, international terrorism and religious extremism, would constitute serious threats to the construction and operation of the “Belt and Road” Initiative. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which is the flagship program and the modeling project of the “Belt and Road” Initiative, in particular, is not only closely related with Pakistan but also with the domestic stability in Afghanistan. Only by objectively facing up to the issues that exist in the two South Asia “-stan” countries, finding targeted solutions corresponding to the local conditions, could we effectively avoid and reduce possible risks and ensure the success of the development of the “Belt and Road” Initiative in the two South Asia “-stan” countries.
The Historical Logic of Ancient China’s
Marine Exploration
Liu Xiaoyang
In ancient China, the marine exploration has different weight on the national strategies adopted by different dynasties. At different periods, ancient China have distinct demands and capabilities of marine exploration, the interaction of which makes ancient China’ss marine exploration go through three periods of spiraling change. This paper argues that ancient China has the universal historical logic of marine exploration as other sea powers, namely: (1) the need for the strategic value of sea determines the status of maritime power strategy; (2) the ability to take the strategic value of sea determines the effectiveness of sea power strategy; (3) the sea power could rise beyond the objective environment, but the environment could lead to the inevitable decline of the sea power. Meanwhile, the marine exploration of ancient China also has some special logic in aspects of economy, politics, security and culture, which is different from the Western ones.
The U.S. Approaches towards Contemporary
Maritime Disputes and Lessons for China
Li Lingqun
In the 20th century, the United States was confronted by a series of maritime disputes involving a quite extensive geographical range. These maritime disputes can be classified into two categories: 1) conventional territorial disputes and 2) maritime disputes concerning delimitation of space or conflicting interpretations and usage of the maritime domain in question. The U.S. management of these maritime disputes was featured by a combination of strategic farsight and flexible approaches. On the one hand, the U.S. sought firm control of major strategic maritime strongholds, maximizing the US navy free and unimpeded access to the world oceans. On the other hand, predominance in the world maritime domain freed the room for a more flexible handling of disputes over tiny and less important islands or maritime space, including mixed approaches of bilateral negotiations, diplomatic mediation, judicial approaches and others. Drawing upon the U.S. experience, the Chinese government needs to think about how to position the South China Sea in the larger strategic mapping of the region and propose more innovative ideas and inclusive, cooperative and benefiting options with the ultimate goal of actively promoting regional peace and development.
Strategic Transformation of the US-Philippine
Alliance and the South China Sea Issue
Zhou Shixin
The US Philippine Alliance can be dated from bilateral strategic cooperation since the colonial period, as well as World War II and the Cold War when the two countries had common strategic objectives. The US-Philippine alliance has a series of institutional assurance and coordinated actions, but generally with the nature of inequality originated from the colonial period. After the Cold War, the US Philippine alliance was once interrupted due to changes in the international and regional situation, but was restarted with the rise of the South China Sea issue in recent years. It’s one of the “pivots” by which the United States can maintain a strong military presence in East Asia and promote its Asia Pacific rebalancing strategy. However, while the United States hasn’t played the role that the Philippines expected in the South China Sea issue, and the new Philippine government has changed its preference and priorities in domestic and foreign policies, especially revalued the South China Sea issue in its national security strategy, uncertainties have emerged on the US-Philippine alliance, and positive prospects have emerged in addressing the South China Sea issue.
Understanding East Asian Security and the
South China Sea Issue
—— A Perspective of Modernity and Post modernity
Wei Ling
In recent years, security issues have come to the center of East Asian regional process. Fundamental changes in domestic politics of some ASEAN countries have started to develop long term impact on regional political security landscape. Pluralism has become a key feature in regional security in terms of actors, institutions, norms and agenda. The South China Sea has witnessed the rise of tension in both actions and narratives. Going beyond major international relations theories, the paper attempts to provide an interpretation of East Asian security and the South China Sea issue from a perspective of modernity and post modernity. While modernity holds rationality and universality at its core, post modernity denies authority, orthodox and dominance, and features uncertainty, plurality, non-continuity and de-centering. The paper argues that the rise of security tension in East Asia is mainly due to uncertainty in regional order, specifically the uncertainty in the ideas shaping and defining the order. Major power rivalry based on modernity co-exists with the decentering process in line with post-modernity and in the name of ASEAN centrality. Localization and background knowledge have been gaining momentum in the development of security norms and agenda. Sovereignty, developmental security and governance by consensus are all at play. The South China Sea issue is on one hand based on substantive territorial disputes, on the other hand constructed by discourses and manipulated for hegemonic purposes. Given increasing complexities and long term uncertainty in the evolution of regional order, the paper advises the “other” mentality and an inclusive approach in building regional values and security norms.
The Synchronic Study on the Discourse Energy of
China and the Western Countries in the South
China Sea Arbitration Case
Shen RongWang Jianting
The paper analyzes the discourse energy of the western forces led by the United States in the South China Sea arbitration case, and finds that they rely on the logically wrong absolute synchronic discourse and interpret China’s South China Sea claims in the translationese way. While the dotted lines is an adaptation to specific time and space by China in the meantime of maintaining the purpose and the value of the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea, which presents the difference seeking in comparative synchronie. The paper concludes that the ruling by the arbitration tribunal is not only logically defensible, but also weak and feeble in expressing the values of equality and freedom.
How to Differentiate “Japan’s Right-Wing”
Wang Ping
To study Japanese politics and to graspe the trend of development of Sino-apanese relations, it is better to deeply study Japan’s right-wing. In recent years, the right-wing constantly hinders the development of Sino-Japanese relations. Thus, we especially should strengthen the study of Japan’s right-wing. Compared with the western right-wings, Japan’s right-wing is more complexly constituted and various belief-held. The inner organization of Japan’s right-wing includes the “quintessence faction”, “innovation faction” and “knight-errant faction” before the world war Ⅱ and is divided into action faction, new faction and religious faction after the war. More importantly, besides the right-wing groups, there arises a group of right-leaning literati and right-wing statesmen (including right-wing politicians), who exerts bigger influence on Japan’s society, politics and diplomacy than right-wing groups, and even directly drives the development direction of Japan. We should handle its political thoughts and governing philosophy well in a timely manner whether it is reasonable national appeal or extreme nationalism. Based on the scientific analysis of Japanese right-wing organization constitutions and characteristics, the paper objectively defines the concept connotation and denotation of the “Japan’s right-wing”.
The Evolution and Characteristics of Japan’s
“Maritime Nations Alliance Strategy”
Qu Caiyun
Since the modern times, to ally the maritime nations has become an important component of Japan’s foreign strategy. Japan not only has a history of diplomatic trajectory of the Japanese-Anglo Alliance, but also has the reality of diplomatic base axis of the Japan-US Alliance. After development and evolution of Japan’s “maritime nations alliance strategy” for more than a century, it presents very distinct characteristics. Firstly, the objects and partners of the Japan’s alliance focus on the world hegemony and power-oriented as the key and the dominant, and gradually expand to the regional powers and nations sharing the common values. Secondly, China has become the main target of Japan’s “maritime nation alliance strategy”containment. Thirdly,to expand sea power is the ultimate goal of Japan’s “maritime nation alliance strategy” pursuing. Fourthly, to build a “alliance system of maritime and democracy nations” which is based and centered on the “Japan-US alliance” is the pattern of Japan’s “maritime nation alliance strategy”.