The Abstracts of Vol.5,2015
Releasing Time：09.16.2015Source：
Zou Keyuan
The issue of artificial islands in the South China Sea has little been detailed discussed in the context of territorial and maritime disputes. Even in international law, the term “artificial islands” remains controversial and there is no universally accepted definition of it, though several provisions of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea mention “artificial islands”.
With the development of science and technology and the increasing endeavors of nation-states to creep over to occupy more space from the oceans, the issue of artificial islands becomes more and more salient. This paper attempts to discuss this issue in an international law perspective with special reference to the Spratly Islands and to provoke more discussions about it in future.
On China’s Important Maritime Interests
Hu Bo
China is becoming a maritime power, therefore, it is necessary to clarify China's important maritime interests (CIMI) in the first place so as to strategic designing and policy planning. Although many domestic and foreign scholars discussed CIMI generally, few of them elaborated CIMI specifically. Furthermore, researches are short of united classification criteria, comparative perspective and development vision as well. This study determines the importance of China’s maritime interests with two dimensions: one is maritime interests and needs for china’ peaceful development, the other is maritime challenges and threats China is facing. Through comparative analysis, this paper attempts to comprehensively list China's important maritime interests at present and in the future. According to three indicators based on importance, preferences of using force and influence weights, this study arrives at the conclusion that China has five core maritime interests, four important maritime interests and three less important maritime interests.
Assessing the Delimitation Negotiations between Norway and the Soviet Union/Russia
The negotiations between Norway and Russia, formerly the Soviet Union, on the maritime delimitation in the Barents Sea have been going on for more than 30 years. Despite a declared will on both sides to reach an agreement, the prospect of an early settlement seems remote. Formally the delimitation problem concerns the distribution of the important economic resources in the area, i.e. petroleum and fish. In practice, however, the strategic importance of the area and the impact of the international context on the bilateral relationship have played an important role in the negotiations. As a result, the parties clearly have different preferences for a solution. Because there is no practical need for a solution and because the parties do not see the boundary dispute as a strain on their mutual relations, the prospect of an early settlement is dependent on the political will of both sides to bring this long-standing conflict to and end.
Prejudice, Distrust and Seapower:
The Deterioration of Anglo-German Relations and Its Lessons
Gu Quan
Despite frequent talks about pre-WWI Anglo-German Antagonism highlighted by spectacular “Naval Race”, an issue that is much more intriguing is why the Anglo-German relations fell into deterioration, that is, from “cooperation” to “conflict”. Based on reviewing the thinking as well as the changes of German and British foreign policies since late 19th century, it is shown that a distinct “strategic prejudice” held either by British or German statesmen pushed the bilateral interaction into a vicious circle of “strategic distrust” that gradually wore down goodwill when there were few fundamental clashes of interest between them. In addition, the above-mentioned process also imposed great influence on the transformation of European and even world-wide seapower and strategic structure, which contributed to the acceleration of British global decline and the intensification of various regional power struggles. This finding not only facilitates the understanding of pre-war IR history, but also provides beneficial lessons for handling of the current great power relations.
Analysis of the Thailand Kra Canal Project
under the Vision of China’s “Maritime Power” Strategy
Cao Wenzhen, Huang Weizi
The construction program of the Kra Canal is a major project which has been wanted to be done since ancient time in Thailand, it will shorten the voyage between the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean at least 1200 km if be constructed, which will have great economic and political influences on the whole of Asia and the whole world. The construction of the Kra Canal has its own unique natural conditions, and therefore gets many supporters from other East Asian countries, but it also faces both internal and external resistance. The Canal can ease the "Malacca dilemma" of energy imports, and contribute to the construction of China’s Maritime Silk Road and the implementation of "two ocean strategy", which can have great influence on the implementation of China’s “maritime power” strategy. If participating in the construction of the Kra Canal, China should pay attention to the US Asia-Pacific strategy, the Indian and Japanese interferences and other factors affecting the construction of the Kra project.
The Kra Canal and China’s Maritime Security
Ren Yuanzhe
In the context of increasingly severe maritime tensions emerging in the Southeast Asia, the Kra Isthmus is rapidly becoming a focus of international interest, especially in China, as rumors swirl over plans to build a canal or a railroad across the strip of land. The article will dig into the root causes of Chinese interests in building the Kra Canal, and pay special attention to the connection between the Kra Canal and the so-called “Malacca Dilemma”. From economic, social, security and strategic angles, the article will discuss about the real and potential barriers to the building of the canal and put forward several suggestions of how we may overcome the “Kra Isthmus Myth” in the future.
Africa: the Indispensable Participant for "One Belt and One Road"
Wang Nan
China-Africa relations and the “One Belt and One Road” attract world-wide attention. Africa was not only one of the destinations of the route of the ancient Silk Road, but also one of the destinations of "One Belt and One Road". Therefore, Africa should become the indispensable participant for "One Belt and One Road". Actually, Africa welcomes "One Belt and One Road" and is willing to participate in it. Although China-Pakistan Economic Corridor /China-India-Bangladesh-Myanmar Economic Corridor can enhance China-Africa cooperation in many ways, yet "One Belt and One Road" can provide a strategic opportunity to promote China-Africa cooperation further and more extensively.